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Libertarianism is a set of related political philosophies that uphold liberty as the highest political end. Libertarianism puts emphasis on voluntary associations, individual liberty, and political freedom. Libertarianism has grown as a political movement and gained increased support, especially in places like New Hampshire where the Free State Project is located, and Wyoming in the American Redoubt where the Free State Wyoming Project is located.

Libertarianism is a political philosophy that believes in minimizing or entirely eliminating government interventionism in many aspects of life including economic, personal, and in foreign policy matters. Libertarians tend to oppose legal restrictions on social behavior that is considered by many to be immoral. The French term of Laissez-Faire, or let us do, is a term that describes some aspects of the libertarian belief. <ref>“Libertarians are neither. Unlike Liberals or Conservatives, Libertarians advocate a high degree of both personal and economic liberty. For example, Libertarians advocate freedom in economic matters, so we're in favor of lowering taxes, slashing bureaucratic regulation of business, and charitable – rather than government – welfare. But Libertarians are also socially tolerant. We won't demand laws or restrictions on other people who we may not agree because of personal actions or lifestyles. Think of us as a group of people with a “live and let live” mentality and a balanced checkbook.” ://</ref> Libertarianism tends to emphasize a form of individual liberty, and tends to support rights of private property.

Threats to Liberty

  1. Debt and Taxes
  2. Surveillance and Intrusion
  3. Restrictive Laws and Regulations
  4. Libertarians living in defeat

14 Steps to Libertarian Lifestyle

  1. Believe and do as you please (within the law)
  2. Spread your belief by example, never with force
  3. Create independence from the systems by creating alternate systems
  4. Solve your own problems when ever you can
  5. Vote for what you believe in, not who you think can win
  6. Know why you believe what you believe
  7. Accept challenges to what you believe but require facts
  8. Never submit to government authority voluntarily (legally resist)
  9. Create your own systems, your own networks, etc.
  10. Value education and be a self directed learner at all times
  11. Let no man speak for you or put words in your mouth
  12. Accept that others may ignore, demean or attack you
  13. Argue ideas, do not ague the validity of the individual
  14. Remember no matter what anyone says, what you do matters

Voluntary Association

Voluntary association is when a group of individuals enter into an agreement as volunteers to form a body (or organization) to accomplish a purpose

No Crime without a Victim

A crime can only be committed when there is a victim and a particular person committing the crime.


The first systematic libertarian was Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), an English political philosopher whose books such as The Man Versus the State (1884) had a major impact in Europe and America in the late 19th century.<ref>Chris Matthew Sciabarra, “The First Libertarian,” Liberty (Aug 1999) online </ref> The chief American representative was Yale professor William Graham Sumner.

Ronald Reagan stated in 1975, “I believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism….The basis of conservatism is a desire for less government interference or less centralized authority or more individual freedom and this is a pretty general description also of what libertarianism is….Now, I can’t say that I will agree with all the things that the present group who call themselves Libertarians in the sense of a party say, because I think that like in any political movement there are shades, and there are libertarians who are almost over at the point of wanting no government at all or anarchy. I believe there are legitimate government functions. There is a legitimate need in an orderly society for some government to maintain freedom or we will have tyranny by individuals.”<ref> see "Inside Ronald Reagan: A Reason Interview" (July 1975)</ref>

Libertarian Philosophy

Libertarianism is best summed up in the Non-Aggression Principle, which states that government (or “private police agencies” in the anarcho-capitalist variant) should only exist to protect life, liberty, and private property from force and fraud.

Libertarianism is closely related to liberalism, if this word is interpreted according to its original meaning of classical liberalism. Libertarians in America tend to be liberal on social issues but conservative on economic issues and liberty issues. Libertarians generally oppose government regulation of drugs, prostitution, and marriage (including bans of same-sex marriage. The Libertarian Party officially supports legalized abortion, however, libertarians themselves are divided on the issue, since government protection from force depends on the personhood of the unborn baby (or fetus). However, libertarians are uniformly opposed to government funding for abortions (such as through Planned Parenthood). Furthermore, they oppose restrictions on pornography. However, they also oppose universal health care (ObamaCare), taxes and the welfare state since it leads to the nanny state and the police state. They are strong supporters of school choice, and oppose continuing the public school system. Some libertarians support school vouchers, while others are skeptical due to the issue of government influence over private education.

Libertarians support an expansive view of liberty as the proper basis for organizing civil society. They tend to define liberty as the freedom to do whatever one wishes up to the point that one's behavior begins to interfere with another's person or property through coercive means. At the point of interference, each party would become subject to certain principled rules for adjudicating disputes, generally accepting that one who has demonstrated a proven lack of respect for the rights of others should be subject to sanctions, including possible constraints on their freedom. They believe that liberty is the right of every individual.

Libertarians generally defend the ideal of freedom from the perspective of how little one is constrained by authority, i.e., how much one is allowed to do (also referred to as negative liberty). This ideal is distinguished from a view of freedom focused on how much one is able to do (also called positive liberty).

Naughty State List

See Also

Philosophical Precepts of Preparedness:


Find the corresponding Survival Podcast episode

Relevant TSP Episodes

Further reading

Liberty Government Politics Libertarian Conservative Libertarians American Redoubt Conservatives Wyoming Idaho Montana Forms of Government Tax Revolts Political Ideologies

Snippet from Wikipedia: Libertarianism

Libertarianism (from Latin: libertas, meaning "freedom"), or libertarism (from French: libertaire, meaning "libertarian"), is a political philosophy and movement that upholds liberty as a core principle. Libertarians seek to maximize political freedom and autonomy, emphasizing freedom of choice, voluntary association and individual judgment. Libertarians share a skepticism of authority and state power, but they diverge on the scope of their opposition to existing economic and political systems. Various schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the legitimate functions of state and private power, often calling for the restriction or dissolution of coercive social institutions. Different categorizations have been used to distinguish various forms of libertarianism. This is done to distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital, usually along left–right or socialist–capitalist lines.

Libertarianism originated as a form of left-wing politics such as anti-authoritarian and anti-state socialists like anarchists, especially social anarchists, but more generally libertarian communists/Marxists and libertarian socialists. These libertarians seek to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, or else to restrict their purview or effects to usufruct property norms, in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management, viewing private property as a barrier to freedom and liberty.

Left-libertarian ideologies include anarchist schools of thought, alongside many other anti-paternalist, New Left schools of thought centered around economic egalitarianism as well as geolibertarianism, green politics, market-oriented left-libertarianism and the Steiner–Vallentyne school. In the mid-20th century, right-libertarian ideologies such as anarcho-capitalism and minarchism co-opted the term libertarian to advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land, infrastructure and natural resources. The latter is the dominant form of libertarianism in the United States, where it advocates civil liberties, natural law, free-market capitalism and a major reversal of the modern welfare state.

Libertarianism (

, “free”)<ref name=“”> "A Note on Labels: Why 'Libertarian'?", Cato Institute, accessed July 4, 2013.</ref> is a set of related political philosophies that uphold liberty as the highest political end.<ref>Rothbard, Murray N. (1979). “Myth and Truth About Libertarianism,”, ://</ref><ref>Rothbard, Murray N. (1982). The Ethics of Liberty, ://</ref> This includes emphasis on the primacy of individual liberty,<ref name=“”>Encyclopædia Britannica. “Libertarianism,” ://</ref><ref>The Journal of Libertarian Studies, 11:2 (Summer 1995): 132–181 ://</ref> political freedom, and voluntary association. It is an antonym of authoritarianism.<ref>J. J. Ray (1980). “Libertarians and the Authoritarian Personality,” The Journal of Libertarian Studies, Vol. IV, No. 1 s://</ref> Although libertarians share a skepticism of governmental authority, they diverge on the extent and character of their opposition. Certain schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views on how far the powers of government should be limited and others contend the state should not exist at all. While minarchists propose a state limited in scope to preventing aggression, theft, breach of contract and fraud, anarchists advocate its complete elimination as a political system.<ref>



</ref><ref>Ronald Hamowy (editor). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism, Chapter: “Anarchism”, pp. 10–13; Quote: “Libertarianism puts severe limits on morally permissible government action. If one takes its strictures seriously, does libertarianism require the abolition of government, logically reducing the position to anarchism? Robert Nozick effectively captures this dilemma: “Individucals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights). So strong and far-reaching are these rights that they raise the question of what, if anything, the state and its official may do.” Libertarian political philsophers have extensively debated this question, and many concude that the answer is ‘Nothing’.”</ref><ref>Paul F. Downton, Ecopolis: Architecture and Cities for a Changing Climate, Volume 1 of Future City, Springer, 2008, p. 157 , ISBN 1402084951 Quote: “Taking this idea forward to look at how governance would work without the apparatus of the central state, Bookchin proposed a 'libertarian municipalism' in opposition to statism.”</ref><ref name= “DDFriedman2008ref”>Friedman, David D. (2008). “libertarianism,” The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition, Abstract; Quote: “Libertarians differ among themselves in the degree to which they rely on rights-based or consequentialist arguments and on how far they take their conclusions, ranging from classical liberals, who wish only to drastically reduce government, to anarcho-capitalists who would replace all useful government functions with private alternatives.”</ref> While some libertarians are supportive of laissez-faire capitalism and private property rights, such as in land and natural resources, others oppose capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating their common or cooperative ownership and management (see libertarian socialism).<ref>



<!– verified 2011-11-22–></ref><ref>


In the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, libertarianism is defined as the moral view that agents initially fully own themselves and have certain moral powers to acquire property rights in external things.<ref>

</ref> Libertarian philosopher Roderick Long defines libertarianism as “any political position that advocates a radical redistribution of power from the coercive state to voluntary associations of free individuals”, whether “voluntary association” takes the form of the free market or of communal co-operatives.<ref name=“Roderick T. Long 1998 303–349: at p. 304”>

</ref> In the United States, the term libertarianism is often used as a synonym for combined economic and cultural liberalism while outside that country there is a strong tendency to associate libertarianism with anarchism.

Many countries throughout the world have libertarian parties (see list of libertarian political parties).


publication in New York City.]]

The term libertarian was first used by late-Enlightenment free-thinkers to refer to the metaphysical belief in free will, as opposed to incompatibilist determinism.<ref name=“Boaz”>

</ref> The first recorded use was in 1789, when William Belsham wrote about libertarianism in opposition to “necessitarian”, i.e. determinist, views.<ref>



Libertarian as an advocate or defender of liberty, especially in the political and social spheres, was used in the London Packet on 12 February 1796: “Lately marched out of the Prison at Bristol, 450 of the French Libertarians.”<ref>OED November 2010 edition</ref> The word was used also in a political sense in 1802, in a short piece critiquing a poem by “the author of Gebir”:

The use of the word libertarian to describe a new set of political positions has been traced to the French cognate, libertaire, coined in a scathing letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857, castigating him for his sexist political views.<ref name=“déjacquecoinslibertarianism”>

  • derived from the work published as

    <!–per citation data at: ; originally cited by author as 6:12! –>

  • The primary source is available both in the Joseph Déjacque archive as: Joseph Déjacque (May 1857) Letter to PJ Proudhon held in Valentin Pelosse editor Joseph Dejacque, Le Libertaire [archive], ¶18; and also in

    </ref> Déjacque also used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire: Journal du Mouvement Social, which was printed from 9 June 1858 to 4 February 1861. In the mid-1890s, Sébastien Faure began publishing a new Le Libertaire while France's Third Republic enacted the lois scélérates (“villainous laws”), which banned anarchist publications in France. Libertarianism has frequently been used as a synonym for anarchism since this time.<ref name=nettlau>

    </ref><ref>Colin Ward (2004), ''Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction'', Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 62. “For a century, anarchists have used the word 'libertarian' as a synonym for 'anarchist', both as a noun and an adjective. The celebrated anarchist journal Le Libertaire was founded in 1896. However, much more recently the word has been appropriated by various American free-market philosophers…”</ref><ref>


In 1878, Sir John Seeley characterized a libertarian as someone “who can properly be said to defend liberty”, by opposing tyranny or “resist[ing] the established government”.<ref>John Robert Seeley, Life and Times of Stein: Or Germany and Prussia in the Napoleonic Age, 3 vols. (Cambridge: CUP 1878) 3: 355. Thanks to the Oxford English Dictionary for the original reference.</ref> In 1901, Frederic William Maitland used the term to capture a cultural attitude of support for freedom: “the picture of an editor defending his proof sheets… before an official board of critics is not to our liking… In such matters Englishmen are individualists and libertarians.”<ref>Frederick William Maitland, “William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford,” English Historical Review 16[.3] (July 1901): 419.</ref>

With modern use of ''liberalism'' in the USA generally referring to social liberalism, some scholars claim that libertarianism has become synonymous with classical liberalism, while others dispute this interpretation.

Libertarianism in the United States is associated with ”fiscally conservative“ and ”socially liberal“ political views (going by the common meanings of conservative and liberal in the United States),<ref name=Moseley>

</ref><ref name =“BoazKirby06”>The Libertarian Vote by David Boaz and David Kirby, Cato Institute, October 18, 2006</ref> and, often, a foreign policy of non-interventionism.<ref name=“pp. 177-180”>Ronald Hamowy (editor), The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism, Chapter: “Foreign policy”, pp. 177–180.</ref><ref name=“p. 182”>Edward A. Olsen, US National Defense for the Twenty-First Century: The Grand Exit Strategy, Taylor & Francis, 2002, p. 182, ISBN 0714681407, 9780714681405.</ref> H. L. Mencken and Albert Jay Nock were the first prominent figures in the United States to call themselves libertarians. They believed Franklin D. Roosevelt had co-opted the word liberal for his New Deal policies, which they opposed, and used libertarian to signify their allegiance to individualism and limited government.<ref name=Burns>

</ref> Mencken wrote in 1923: “My literary theory, like my politics, is based chiefly upon one idea, to wit, the idea of freedom. I am, in belief, a libertarian of the most extreme variety.”<ref>H. L. Mencken, letter to George Müller, 1923, “Autobiographical Notes, 1941,” qtd. Rodgers 105.</ref>

Since the resurgence of neoliberalism in the 1970s, free-market libertarianism has spread beyond North America via think tanks and political parties,<ref name=“teles2008diffusion”>Steven Teles and Daniel A. Kenney, chapter “Spreading the Word: The diffusion of American Conservativsm in Europe and beyond,” (pp. 136–169) in Growing apart?: America and Europe in the twenty-first century by Sven Steinmo, Cambridge University Press, 2008, The chapter discusses how libertarian ideas have been more successful at spreading worldwide than social conservative ideas.</ref><ref name=“”>Anthony Gregory, Real World Politics and Radical Libertarianism,, April 24, 2007.</ref> with proponents contending that libertarianism is increasingly viewed worldwide as a free market position.


The term libertarianism refers to a wide range of differing philosophies, including anarcho-capitalism,

libertarian socialism (e.g. mainstream anarchism and libertarian Marxism),<ref group=note>Marshall (2010). p. 641. “For a long time, libertarian was interchangeable in France with anarchist but in recent years, its meaning has become more ambivalent. Some anarchists like Daniel Guérin will call themselves 'libertarian socialists', partly to avoid the negative overtones still associated with anarchism, and partly to stress the place of anarchism within the socialist tradition. Even Marxists of the New Left like E.P. Thompson call themselves 'libertarian' to distinguish themselves from those authoritarian socialists and communists who believe in revolutionary dictatorship and vanguard parties. Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the state.”</ref><ref group=note>Ward (2008). p. 62. “For a century, anarchists have used the word 'libertarian' as a synonym for 'anarchist', both as a noun and an adjective. The celebrated anarchist journal Le Libertaire was founded in 1896. However, much more recently the word has been appropriated by various American free-market philosophers…”.</ref> and the libertarianism that is commonly referred to as a continuation or radicalization of classical liberalism.<ref name=“labels”>Boaz, David (1998). Libertarianism: A Primer. ”A Note on Labels: Why 'Libertarian'?“. Free Press. pp. 22-26.</ref><ref group=note>Hamowy (2008). “Depending on the context, libertarianism can be seen as either the contemporary name for classical liberalism, adopted to avoid confusion in those countries where liberalism is widely understood to denote advocacy of expansive government powers, or as a more radical version of classical liberalism.”</ref><ref>

</ref> These philosophies all share a skepticism of governmental authority and value individual sovereignty, but differ in the extent to which they accept or reject the state and capitalism.

Laissez-faire capitalism

Neo-classical liberalism

In the 20th century, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman,<ref>Richardson (2001). p. 43</ref> in response to social liberalism and Keynesianism, argued that government should be as small as possible in order to allow the exercise of individual freedom. This return to the ideas of classical liberalism was called neo-classical liberalism. Some use the term classical liberalism to refer to all liberalism before the 20th century, not to designate any particular set of political views, and therefore see all modern developments as being, by definition, not classical.<ref>is an example of an article that defines ''classical liberalism'' as all liberalism before the 20th Century.</ref>

Classical liberalism is a political philosophy and ideology belonging to liberalism in which primary emphasis is placed on securing the freedom of the individual by limiting the power of the government. The philosophy emerged as a response to the Industrial Revolution and urbanization in the 19th century in Europe and the United States.<ref>Hamowy (2008). p. xxix</ref> It advocates civil liberties with a limited government under the rule of law, and belief in laissez-faire economic policy.<ref>Hudelson, Richard (1999). Modern Political Philosophy. pp. 37–38</ref><ref>Dickerson, M.O. et al. (2009). An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach. p. 129</ref><ref>

</ref> Classical liberalism is built on ideas that had already arisen by the end of the 18th century, such as selected ideas of Adam Smith, John Locke, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo, stressing the belief in free market and natural law,<ref>Appleby, Joyce (1992). Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination. p. 58</ref> utilitarianism,<ref>Gaus, Gerald F. and Chandran Kukathas (2004). Handbook of Political Theory. p. 422</ref> and progress.<ref>Hunt (2003). p. 54</ref> Classical liberals were more suspicious than conservatives of all but the most minimal government<ref name=“Quinton_1995”>Quinton, A. (1995): “Conservativism”. In: Goodin, R. E. and Pettit, P. eds.: A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. p. 246.</ref> and, adopting Thomas Hobbes's theory of government, they believed government had been created by individuals to protect themselves from one another.<ref>Hunt (2003). pp. 46-47</ref>


Anarcho-capitalism (also referred to as free-market anarchism,<ref>Stringham (2007). p. 504</ref> market anarchism,<ref>Long, Roderick T. and Tibor R. Machan (2008). Anarchism/minarchism: is a government part of a free country?. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Preface. ISBN 978-0-7546-6066-8</ref> and private-property anarchism<ref>Stringham (2007).</ref>) is a political philosophy which advocates the elimination of the state in favor of individual sovereignty in a free market.<ref>Hamowy (2008). p. 10-12, p. 195</ref><ref>Stringham (2007). p 51</ref> In an anarcho-capitalist society, law enforcement, courts, and all other security services would be provided by privately funded competitors rather than through taxation, and money would be privately and competitively provided in an open market. Therefore, personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would be regulated by privately run law rather than through politics.

Various theorists have differing, though similar, legal philosophies which have been considered to fall under anarcho-capitalism. However, the most well-known version, was formulated by Austrian School economist and libertarian Murray Rothbard, who coined the term and is widely regarded as its founder, in the mid-20th century, synthesizing elements from the Austrian School of economics, classical liberalism, and 19th-century American individualist anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker (while rejecting their anti-capitalism, along with the labor theory of value and the normative implications they derived from it).<ref group=note>Miller (1987). p. 290. “A student and disciple of the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises, Rothbard combined the laissez-faire economics of his teacher with the absolutist views of human rights and rejection of the state he had absorbed from studying the individualist American anarchists of the 19th century such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker.”</ref><ref>Miller, David (1987). The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-17944-3</ref> In Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism, there would first be the implementation of a mutually agreed-upon libertarian “legal code which would be generally accepted, and which the courts would pledge themselves to follow.”<ref>Rothbard, Murray (1973). For A New Liberty. ”The Public Sector, III: Police, Law, and the Courts.“</ref> This legal code would recognize sovereignty of the individual and the principle of non-aggression.


lifting the world, Objectivist imagery made famous by the novel Atlas Shrugged]]

Objectivism is a philosophy created by Russian-American novelist Ayn Rand, who condemned libertarianism as being a greater threat to freedom and capitalism than both modern liberalism and conservatism, due to what she saw as its lack of philosophic and moral foundation.<ref name=“Q&A”>"Ayn Rand's Q & A on Libertarianism", Ayn Rand Institute</ref> She regarded Objectivism as an integrated philosophical system, whereas libertarianism is a political philosophy which confines its attention to matters of public policy. For example, Objectivism argues positions in metaphysics, epistemology, and ethics, whereas libertarianism does not address such questions. Rand believed that political advocacy could not succeed without addressing what she saw as its methodological prerequisites. Rand rejected any affiliation with the libertarian movement and many other Objectivists have done so as well.<ref name=“Schwartz, Peter 1988 pp. 311–333”>Schwartz, Peter, “Libetarianism: the Perversion of Liberty,” in The Voice of Reason, L. Peikoff, editor (1988) New American Library, pp. 311–333.</ref>

Some Objectivists have argued that Objectivism is not limited to Rand's own positions on philosophical issues and are willing to work with and identify with the libertarian movement. This stance is most clearly identified with David Kelley (who separated from the Ayn Rand Institute because of disagreements over the relationship between Objectivists and libertarians), Chris Sciabarra, Barbara Branden (Nathaniel Branden's former wife), and others. Kelley's Atlas Society has focused on building a closer relationship between “open Objectivists” and the libertarian movement.

Objectivism's central tenets are that reality exists independent of consciousness; that human beings have direct contact with reality through sense perception; that one can attain objective knowledge from perception through the process of concept formation and inductive logic; that the proper moral purpose of one's life is the pursuit of one's own happiness (or rational self-interest); that the only social system consistent with this morality is full respect for individual rights embodied in laissez-faire capitalism; and that the role of art in human life is to transform humans' metaphysical ideas by selective reproduction of reality into a physical form—a work of art—that one can comprehend and to which one can respond emotionally.

Libertarian socialism

, Russian theorist of libertarian communism]]

Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism<ref name=“Ostergaard 1991. p. 21”>Ostergaard, Geoffrey. “Anarchism”. A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell Publishing, 1991. p. 21.</ref><ref name=“language” group=note>Chomsky (2004). p. 739. “The term 'libertarian' as used in the U.S. means something quite different from what it meant historically and still means in the rest of the world. Historically, the libertarian movement has been the anti-statist wing of the socialist movement. Socialist anarchism was libertarian socialism. In the U.S., which is a society much more dominated by business, the term has a different meaning. It means eliminating or reducing state controls, mainly controls over private tyrannies. Libertarians in the U.S. don't say, Let's get rid of corporations. It is a sort of ultra-rightism.”</ref> or left-libertarianism)<ref>Bookchin, Murray and Janet Biehl. The Murray Bookchin Reader. Cassell, 1997. p. 170 ISBN 0-304-33873-7</ref><ref>Hicks, Steven V. and Daniel E. Shannon. The American journal of economics and sociolology. Blackwell Pub, 2003. p. 612</ref> is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into common or public goods, while retaining respect for personal property.<ref group=note>Berkman (1929). “The revolution abolishes private ownership of the means of production and distribution, and with it goes capitalistic business. Personal possession remains only in the things you use. Thus, your watch is your own, but the watch factory belongs to the people.”</ref><ref>Berkman, Alexander (1929). ''[[Now and After|What Is Communist Anarchism?]] Vanguard Press.</ref> Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.<ref>Chomsky, Noam (2003). Radical Priorities. AK Press. <!– Quote: As Noam Chomsky put it, a consistent libertarian “must oppose private ownership of the means of production and the wage slavery, which is a component of this system, as incompatible with the principle that labor must be freely undertaken and under the control of the producer”. –> p. 26</ref> The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism,<ref>Zarembka, Paul (2007). Transitions in Latin America and in Poland and Syria. Emerald Group Publishing. p. 25.</ref><ref group=note>Guérin (1970). “Some contemporary anarchists have tried to clear up the misunderstanding by adopting a more explicit term: they align themselves with libertarian socialism or communism.”</ref> and by some as a synonym for anarchism.<ref name=“Ostergaard 1991. p. 21”/><ref name=“language” group=note/><ref>Ross, Dr. Jeffery Ian. ''Controlling State Crime'', Transaction Publishers (2000) p. 400 ISBN 0-7658-0695-9</ref>

Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.<ref group=note>Mendes, Silva (1896). Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo. 1: “Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of private property (while retaining respect for personal property) and liberty by abolition of authority”.</ref> Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that promotes the identification, criticism, and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of life.<ref group=note>McLaughlin, Paul (2007). p. 1. “Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the 'sociology of power') and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the 'philosophy of practical reason'). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those 'authoritative' powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation.”</ref><ref name=“reallystandsfor” group=note>Goldman. “What it Really Stands for Anarchy” in Anarchism and Other Essays. “Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.”</ref><ref name=“individualliberty” group=note>Tucker. ''Individual Liberty''. ”[Modern Socialists] found that they must turn either to the right or to the left, — follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism. … Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx.“</ref><ref name=“Ward 1966”>

</ref><ref name=“anarchismauthority” group=note>Woodcock (1962). pp. 11 & 138. “All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it. … Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Berne Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State.”</ref><ref name=“Brown 2002 106”>


Accordingly, libertarian socialists believe that “the exercise of power in any institutionalized form—whether economic, political, religious, or sexual—brutalizes both the wielder of power and the one over whom it is exercised”.<ref>

</ref> Libertarian socialists generally place their hopes in decentralized means of direct democracy such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions, and workers' councils.<ref>




, often used as a symbol for anarchism]]

Anarchism is a political philosophy that advocates stateless societies based on non-hierarchical free associations.<ref name=“iaf” group=note/><ref group=note>Kropotkin, Peter. Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal. “That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organization and preaches free agreement — at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist.]”</ref><ref group=note>”B.1 Why are anarchists against authority and hierarchy?“ in An Anarchist FAQ. “anarchists are opposed to irrational (e.g., illegitimate) authority, in other words, hierarchy — hierarchy being the institutionalisation of authority within a society.”</ref><ref group=note>Woodcock, George. “Anarchism”. The Encyclopedia of Philosophy. “Anarchism, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies.”</ref><ref group=note>Kropotkin, Peter. "Anarchism" in Encyclopædia Britannica. “In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions.”</ref> Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary, or harmful.<ref name=“definition”>

The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy:

</ref><ref name=slevin>Slevin, Carl. “Anarchism.” The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003.</ref> While anti-statism is central, some argue<ref>McLaughlin, Paul (2007). p. 28. “Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell anarchism short.”</ref> that anarchism entails opposing authority or hierarchical organization in the conduct of human relations, including, but not limited to, the state system.<ref name=“anarchismauthority” group=note/><ref name=“iaf” group=note>

</ref><ref name=“reallystandsfor” group=note/><ref name=“individualliberty” group=note/><ref name=“Ward 1966”>

</ref><ref name=“anarchismauthority” group=note/><ref name=“Brown 2002 106”/>

As a subtle and anti-dogmatic philosophy, anarchism draws on many currents of thought and strategy. Anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular world view, instead fluxing and flowing as a philosophy.<ref>

</ref> There are many types and traditions of anarchism, not all of which are mutually exclusive.<ref>

</ref> Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism.<ref name=slevin/> Strains of anarchism have often been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism or similar dual classifications.<ref name=“black dict”>Ostergaard, Geoffrey. “Anarchism”. The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern Social Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p. 14.</ref><ref name=socind>

</ref> Anarchism is often considered a radical left-wing ideology,<ref group=note>


</ref> and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, collectivism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics.<ref group=note>Guérin (1970). “The anarchists were unanimous in subjecting authoritarian socialism to a barrage of severe criticism. At the time when they made violent and satirical attacks these were not entirely well founded, for those to whom they were addressed were either primitive or 'vulgar' communists, whose thought had not yet been fertilized by Marxist humanism, or else, in the case of Marx and Engels themselves, were not as set on authority and state control as the anarchists made out.”</ref>

Anarchism as a mass social movement has regularly endured fluctuations in popularity. The central tendency of anarchism as a social movement has been represented by anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism, with individualist anarchism being primarily a literary phenomenon<ref>Skirda, Alexandre. Facing the Enemy: A History of Anarchist Organization from Proudhon to May 1968. AK Press, 2002, p. 191.</ref> which nevertheless did have an impact on the bigger currents<ref group=note>Catalan historian Xavier Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of anarcho-communist groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. There were also the cases of prominent individualist anarchists such as Federico Urales and Miguel Gimenez Igualada who were members of the CNT and J. Elizalde who was a founding member and first secretary of the Iberian Anarchist Federation. Xavier Diez. El anarquismo individualista en España: 1923–1938. ISBN 978-84-96044-87-6</ref> and individualists have also participated in large anarchist organizations.<ref group=note><!–The exact location of this excerpt should be added to the reference.–>

</ref><ref group=note>Masini, Pier Carlo and Paul Sharkey. Cesare Zaccaria (19 August 1897-October 1961). In Italy in 1945, during the Founding Congress of the Italian Anarchist Federation, there was a group of individualist anarchists led by Cesare Zaccaria who was an important anarchist of the time.</ref> Many anarchists oppose all forms of aggression, supporting self-defense or non-violence (anarcho-pacifism),<ref name=“”>

</ref><ref name=“Anarchism 1962”>Woodcock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements.</ref> while others have supported the use of some coercive measures, including violent revolution and propaganda of the deed, on the path to an anarchist society.<ref>Fowler, R.B (1972). “The Anarchist Tradition of Political Thought.” The Western Political Quarterly. 25:4. pp. 743–744.</ref>

Libertarian Marxism


and Friedrich Engels, the originators of Marxist philosophy]] –>

Libertarian Marxism refers to a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. Early currents of libertarian Marxism, known as left communism,<ref>Pierce, Wayne."Libertarian Marxism's Relation to Anarchism" “The Utopian” 73-80.</ref> emerged in opposition to Marxism–Leninism<ref>Gorter, Herman; Pannekoek, Anton; Pankhurst, Sylvia; Ruhl, Otto (2007). Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils. Red and Black.</ref> and its derivatives, such as Stalinism, Maoism, and Trotskyism.<ref>Marot, Eric. "Trotsky, the Left Opposition and the Rise of Stalinism: Theory and Practice"</ref> Libertarian Marxism is also critical of reformist positions, such as those held by social democrats.<ref>(1999). ”The Retreat of Social Democracy ... Re-imposition of Work in Britain and the 'Social Europe' (Part 2).“ Aufheben. (8).</ref> Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France;<ref>Screpanti, Ernesto (2007). Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom. London: Palgrave Macmillan.</ref> emphasizing the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for a revolutionary party or state to mediate or aid its liberation.<ref>Draper, Hal. ”The Principle of Self-Emancipation in Marx and Engels.“ The Socialist Register. Vol 4.</ref>


Geolibertarianism is a political movement and ideology that synthesizes libertarianism and geoist theory, traditionally known as Georgism.<ref name=“”>

</ref><ref>Karen DeCoster, Henry George and the Tariff Question,, April 19, 2006.</ref>

Geolibertarians are advocates of geoism, which is the position that all natural resources – most importantly land – are common assets to which all individuals have an equal right to access; therefore, individuals must pay rent to the community if they claim land as their private property. Rent need not be paid for the mere use of land, but only for the right to exclude others from that land, and for the protection of one's title by government. They simultaneously agree with the libertarian position that each individual has an exclusive right to the fruits of his or her labor as their private property, as opposed to this product being owned collectively by society or the community, and that “one's labor, wages, and the products of labor” should not be taxed. Also, with traditional libertarians they advocate “full civil liberties, with no crimes unless there are victims who have been invaded.”<ref name=“”/> Geolibertarians generally advocate distributing the land rent to the community via a land value tax, as proposed by Henry George and others before him. For this reason, they are often called “single taxers”. Fred E. Foldvary coined the word “geo-libertarianism” in an article so titled in Land and Liberty.<ref>Foldvary, Fred E. (1981). “Geo-libertarianism.” Land and Liberty. pp. 53-55.</ref> In the case of geoanarchism, the voluntary form of geolibertarianism as described by Foldvary, rent would be collected by private associations with the opportunity to secede from a geocommunity (and not receive the geocommunity's services) if desired.<ref>


Geolibertarians are generally influenced by Georgism, but the ideas behind it pre-date Henry George, and can be found in different forms in the writings of John Locke, the French Physiocrats, Thomas Jefferson, Adam Smith, Thomas Paine, James Mill (John Stuart Mill's father), David Ricardo, John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer and Thomas Spence. Perhaps the best summary of geolibertarianism is Thomas Paine's assertion that “Men did not make the earth. It is the value of the improvements only, and not the earth itself, that is individual property. Every proprietor owes to the community a ground rent for the land which he holds.” On the other hand, Locke wrote that private land ownership should be praised, as long as its product was not left to spoil and there was “enough, and as good left in common for others”; when this Lockean proviso is violated, the land earns rental value. Some would argue that “as good” is unlikely to be achieved in an urban setting because location is paramount, and that therefore Locke's proviso in an urban setting requires the collection and equal distribution of ground rent.


Age of Enlightenment

, the “Father of classical liberalism”]]

Elements of libertarianism can be traced as far back as the ancient Chinese philosopher Lao-Tzu and the higher-law concepts of the Greeks and the Israelites.<ref name=“”/><ref name=“”>David Boaz, Preface for the Japanese Edition of Libertarianism: A Primer, reprinted at, November 21, 1998.</ref> In 17th-century England, libertarian ideas began to take modern form in the writings of the Levellers and John Locke. In the middle of that century, opponents of royal power began to be called Whigs, or sometimes simply “opposition” or “country” (as opposed to Court) writers.<ref name=“”/>

During the 18th century, classical liberal ideas flourished in Europe and North America.<ref>Adrina Michelle Garbooshian, The Concept of Human Dignity in the French and American Enlightenments: Religion, Virtue, Liberty, ProQuest, 2006, p. 472, ISBN 0542851601, ISBN 9780542851605; quote: “Influenced by Locke and Smith, certain segments of society affirmed classical liberalism, with a libertarian bent.”</ref><ref>Paul A. Cantor, The Invisible Hand in Popular Culture: Liberty Vs. Authority in American Film and TV, University Press of Kentucky, 2012, p. xiii, ISBN 081314082X, ISBN 9780813140827 ; Quote: ”[T]he roots of libertarianism lie in…the classical liberal tradition.“</ref> Libertarians of various schools were influenced by classical liberal ideas.<ref>Carlos Peregrin Otero, editor, Noam Chomsky: critical assessments, Volumes 2–3, Taylor & Francis US, 1994, p. 617, ISBN 0-415-10694-X, ISBN 9780415106948.</ref>


John Locke greatly influenced both libertarianism and the modern world in his writings published before and after the English Revolution of 1688, especially A Letter Concerning Toleration (1667), Two Treatises of Government (1689) and An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690). In the latter he established the basis of liberal political theory: that people's rights existed before government; that the purpose of government is to protect personal and property rights; that people may dissolve governments that do not do so; and that representative government is the best form to protect rights.<ref>David Boaz, The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Writings from Lao Tzu to Milton Friedman, Simon and Schuster, 2010, p. 123, ISBN 1439118337, ISBN 9781439118337</ref> The United States Declaration of Independence was inspired by Locke in its statement: “to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it…”<ref name=Rothbard1>Murray Rothbard, The Libertarian Heritage: The American Revolution and Classical Liberalism, excerpted from Rothbard's The Libertarian Manifesto, 1973; published at, 2006.</ref>

According to Murray Rothbard, the libertarian creed emerged from the classical liberal challenges to an “absolute central State and a king ruling by divine right on top of an older, restrictive web of feudal land monopolies and urban guild controls and restrictions”, the mercantilism of a bureaucratic warfaring state allied with privileged merchants. The object of classical liberals was individual liberty in the economy, in personal freedoms and civil liberty, separation of state and religion, and peace as an alternative to imperial aggrandizement. He cites Locke's contemporaries, the Levellers, who held similar views. Also influential were the English “Cato's Letters” during the early 1700s, reprinted eagerly by American colonists who already were free of European aristocracy and feudal land monopolies.<ref name=Rothbard1/>

In January of 1776, only two years after coming to America from England, Thomas Paine published his pamphlet ”Common Sense“ calling for independence for the colonies.<ref name=Sprading>Charles T.Sprading, Liberty and the Great Libertarians, 1913; republished 1995 by Ludwig von Mises Institute, p. 74, ISBN 1610161076, ISBN 9781610161077</ref> Paine promoted classical liberal ideas in clear, concise language that allowed the general public to understand the debates among the political elites.<ref>David C. Hoffman, “Paine and Prejudice: Rhetorical Leadership through Perceptual Framing in Common Sense,” Rhetoric and Public Affairs, Fall 2006, Vol. 9 Issue 3, pp 373–410</ref> Common Sense was immensely popular in disseminating these ideas,<ref>Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997), 90–91.</ref> selling hundreds of thousands of copies.<ref>

</ref> Paine later would write the Rights of Man and The Age of Reason and participate in the French Revolution.<ref name=Sprading/> Paine's theory of property showed a “libertarian concern” with the redistribution of resources.<ref>Robert Lamb, "Liberty, Equality, and the Boundaries of Ownership: Thomas Paine's Theory of Property Rights," Review of Politics (2010) 72#3 pp. 483–511.</ref>

In 1793, William Godwin wrote a libertarian philosophical treatise, Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Morals and Happiness, which criticized ideas of human rights and of society by contract based on vague promises. He took classical liberalism to its logical anarchic conclusion by rejecting all political institutions, law, government, and apparatus of coercion, as well as all political protest and insurrection. Instead of institutionalized justice he proposed that people influence one and other to moral goodness through informal reasoned persuasion, including in the associations they joined, and that this would facilitate human happiness.<ref>Ian Ousby, The Cambridge Guide to Literature in English, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 305, ISBN 0521440866, 9780521440868</ref><ref>


Rise of anarchism

Modern anarchism sprang from the secular or religious thought of the Enlightenment, particularly Jean-Jacques Rousseau's arguments for the moral centrality of freedom.<ref name=Encarta>“Anarchism”, Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2006 (UK version).</ref>

As part of the political turmoil of the 1790s in the wake of the French Revolution, William Godwin developed the first expression of modern anarchist thought.<ref>Everhart, Robert B. The Public School Monopoly: A Critical Analysis of Education and the State in American Society. Pacific Institute for Public Policy Research, 1982. p. 115.</ref><ref name=“godwinsep” /> Godwin was, according to Peter Kropotkin, “the first to formulate the political and economical conceptions of anarchism, even though he did not give that name to the ideas developed in his work”,<ref name=“EB1910”>Peter Kropotkin, "Anarchism", Encyclopædia Britannica 1910.</ref> while Godwin attached his anarchist ideas to an early Edmund Burke.<ref>Godwin himself attributed the first anarchist writing to Edmund Burke's A Vindication of Natural Society. “Most of the above arguments may be found much more at large in Burke's Vindication of Natural Society; a treatise in which the evils of the existing political institutions are displayed with incomparable force of reasoning and lustre of eloquence&nbsp;…” – footnote, Ch. 2 Political Justice by William Godwin.</ref>

Godwin is generally regarded as the founder of the school of thought known as 'philosophical anarchism'. He argued in Political Justice (1793)<ref name=“godwinsep” /><ref>Adams, Ian. Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press, 2001. p. 116.</ref> that government has an inherently malevolent influence on society, and that it perpetuates dependency and ignorance. He thought that the spread of the use of reason to the masses would eventually cause government to wither away as an unnecessary force. Although he did not accord the state with moral legitimacy, he was against the use of revolutionary tactics for removing the government from power. Rather, he advocated for its replacement through a process of peaceful evolution.<ref name=“godwinsep”>



His aversion to the imposition of a rules-based society led him to denounce, as a manifestation of the people's “mental enslavement”, the foundations of law, property rights and even the institution of marriage. He considered the basic foundations of society as constraining the natural development of individuals to use their powers of reasoning to arrive at a mutually beneficial method of social organization. In each case, government and its institutions are shown to constrain the development of our capacity to live wholly in accordance with the full and free exercise of private judgment. In France, various anarchist currents were present during the Revolutionary period, with some revolutionaries using the term anarchiste in a positive light as early as September 1793.<ref>Sheehan, Sean. Anarchism, London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 2004. pg. 85</ref> The enragés opposed revolutionary government as a contradiction in terms. Denouncing the Jacobin dictatorship, Jean Varlet wrote in 1794 that “government and revolution are incompatible, unless the people wishes to set its constituted authorities in permanent insurrection against itself.”<ref name=graham/> In his “Manifesto of the Equals,” Sylvain Maréchal looked forward to the disappearance, once and for all, of “the revolting distinction between rich and poor, of great and small, of masters and valets, of governors and governed.”<ref name=graham>


Libertarian socialism

/atheist militant]]

Libertarian socialism, libertarian communism and libertarian Marxism are all phrases which activists with a variety of perspectives have applied to their views.<ref>"What is Communist Anarchism?" Alexander Berkman, in Now and After</ref><ref>“Anarchist communism is also known as anarcho-communism, communist anarchism, or, sometimes, libertarian communism.” from "Anarchist communism – an introduction" by</ref>

Anarchist communist philosopher Joseph Déjacque was the first person to describe himself as “libertarian”.<ref name=“Dejacque”>Joseph Déjacque, De l'être-humain mâle et femelle – Lettre à P.J. Proudhon par Joseph Déjacque (in French)</ref> Unlike mutualist anarchist philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, he argued that, “it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of his or her needs, whatever may be their nature.”<ref name=“Graham-2005”>Robert Graham, Anarchism – A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas – Volume One: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939), Black Rose Books, 2005</ref><ref>“l'Echange”, article in Le Libertaire no 6, September 21, 1858, New York. ://</ref> According to anarchist historian Max Nettlau, the first use of the term “libertarian communism” was in November 1880, when a French anarchist congress employed it to more clearly identify its doctrines.<ref>

</ref> The French anarchist journalist Sébastien Faure started the weekly paper Le Libertaire (The Libertarian) in 1895.<ref>


The revolutionary wave of 1917–23 saw the active participation of anarchists in Russia and Europe. Russian anarchists participated alongside the Bolsheviks in both the February and October 1917 revolutions. However, Bolsheviks in central Russia quickly began to imprison or drive underground the libertarian anarchists. Many fled to the Ukraine.<ref>

</ref> There, in the Ukrainian Free Territory, they fought in the Russian Civil War against the White movement, monarchists and other opponents of revolution, and then against Bolsheviks as part of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno, who established an anarchist society in the region for a number of months. Expelled American anarchists Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman protested Bolshevik policy before they left Russia.<ref>"There Is No Communism in Russia" by Emma Goldman. Quote: “Soviet Russia, it must now be obvious, is an absolute despotism politically and the crassest form of state capitalism economically.”</ref>

The victory of the Bolsheviks damaged anarchist movements internationally as workers and activists joined Communist parties. In France and the United States, for example, members of the major syndicalist movements of the CGT and IWW joined the Communist International.<ref>

</ref> In Paris, the Dielo Truda group of Russian anarchist exiles, which included Nestor Makhno, issued a 1926 manifesto, the Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft), calling for new anarchist organizing structures.<ref name=Platformtext>

</ref><ref>"The Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists" by Delo Truda</ref>

The ”Bavarian Soviet Republic“ of 1918-1919 had libertarian socialist characteristics.<ref>Hakim Bey. "T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism"</ref><ref>"Die bayerische Revolution 1918/19. Die erste Räterepublik der Literaten"

</ref> In Italy from 1918-1921 the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Unione Sindacale Italiana grew to 800,000 members<ref>"1918–1921: The Italian factory occupations – Biennio Rosso" on</ref>

In the 1920s and 1930s, with the rise of fascism in Europe, anarchists began to fight fascists in Italy<ref>Holbrow, Marnie, "Daring but Divided" (Socialist Review November 2002).</ref> in France during the February 1934 riots,<ref>Berry, David. “Fascism or Revolution.” Le Libertaire. August 1936.</ref> and in Spain where the CNT boycott of elections led to a right-wing victory and its later participation in voting in 1936 helped bring the popular front back to power. This led to a ruling class attempted coup and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).<ref>Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006, p. 46, ISBN 978-0-297-84832-5</ref> Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze held that the during early twentieth century, the terms libertarian communism and anarchist communism became synonymous within the international anarchist movement as a result of the close connection they had in Spain (see Anarchism in Spain) (with libertarian communism becoming the prevalent term).<ref>"Anarchist Communism & Libertarian Communism" by Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze. from “L'informatore di parte”, No. 4, October 1979, quarterly journal of the Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze, on</ref>

Murray Bookchin wrote that the Spanish libertarian movement of the mid-1930s was unique because its workers' control and collectives&mdash;which came out of a three generation “massive libertarian movement”&mdash;divided the “republican” camp and challenged the Marxists. Urban anarchists’ created libertarian communist forms of organization which evolved into the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (“CNT”), a syndicalist union providing the infrastructure for a libertarian society. Also formed were local bodies to administer of social and economic life on a decentralized libertarian basis. Much of the infrastructure was destroyed during the 1930s Spanish Civil War against authoritarian and fascist forces.<ref>Murray Bookchin, To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936, AK Press, 1994, pp. 2–39, ISBN 1873176872, ISBN 9781873176870</ref>

The Manifesto of Libertarian Communism was written in 1953 by Georges Fontenis for the Federation Communiste Libertaire of France. It is one of the key texts of the anarchist-communist current known as platformism.<ref>"Manifesto of Libertarian Communism" by Georges Fontenis, on</ref> In 1968 in Carrara, Italy, the International of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international anarchist conference to advance libertarian solidarity.It wanted to form “a strong and organised workers movement, agreeing with the libertarian ideas”.<ref>London Federation of Anarchists involvement in Carrara conference, 1968 International Institute of Social History. Retrieved 19 January 2010</ref><ref>[ Short history of the IAF-IFA] A-infos news project. Retrieved 19 January 2010</ref> In the United States the Libertarian League was founded in New York City in 1954 as a left-libertarian political organisation building on the Libertarian Book Club.<ref>"The Left-Libertarians – the last of an ancient breed" by BILL WEINBERG</ref><ref>Anarchist Voices: An Oral History Of Anarchism In America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005. pp. 471–472</ref> Members included Sam Dolgoff,<ref>Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, AK Press, p. 419</ref> Russell Blackwell, Dave Van Ronk, Enrico Arrigoni<ref>Anarchist Voices: An Oral History Of Anarchism In America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005</ref> and Murray Bookchin.

In Australia the Sydney Push was a predominantly left-wing intellectual subculture in Sydney from the late 1940s to the early 1970s which became associated with the label “Sydney libertarianism”. Well known associates of the Push include Jim Baker, John Flaus, Harry Hooton, Margaret Fink, Sasha Soldatow,<ref>A 1970s associate, subject of David Marr's A spirit gone to another place The Sydney Morning Herald obituary, 9 September 2006</ref> Lex Banning, Eva Cox, Richard Appleton, Paddy McGuinness, David Makinson, Germaine Greer, Clive James, Robert Hughes, Frank Moorhouse and Lillian Roxon. Amongst the key intellectual figures in Push debates were philosophers David J. Ivison, George Molnar, Roelof Smilde, Darcy Waters and Jim Baker, as recorded in Baker's memoir Sydney Libertarians and the Push, published in the libertarian Broadsheet in 1975.<ref>See Baker A J "Sydney Libertarianism and the Push" or at "Sydney Libertarians and the Push" on Prof. W L Morison memorial site</ref> An understanding of libertarian values and social theory can be obtained from their publications, a few of which are available online.<ref>Articles and Essays of and by Sydney Libertarians</ref><ref>Sydney Libertarianism at the Marxists Internet Archive</ref>

In 1969, French platformist anarcho-communist Daniel Guérin published an essay in 1969 called “Libertarian Marxism?” in which he dealt with the debate between Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin at the First International and afterwards suggested that “Libertarian marxism rejects determinism and fatalism, giving the greater place to individual will, intuition, imagination, reflex speeds, and to the deep instincts of the masses, which are more far-seeing in hours of crisis than the reasonings of the 'elites'; libertarian marxism thinks of the effects of surprise, provocation and boldness, refuses to be cluttered and paralysed by a heavy 'scientific' apparatus, doesn't equivocate or bluff, and guards itself from adventurism as much as from fear of the unknown.”<ref>Libertarian Marxism? by Daniel Guérin</ref> Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France.<ref>Ernesto Screpanti, Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007.</ref> They emphasize the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for a revolutionary party or state.<ref>Draper, Hal. Principle of Self-Emancipation in Marx and Engels" “The Socialist Register.” Vol 4.</ref> Libertarian Marxism includes such currents as council communism, left communism, Socialisme ou Barbarie Lettrism/Situationism and operaismo/autonomism, and New Left.<ref></ref>

Private-property anarchism

The early liberals believed that the state should confine its role to protecting individual liberty and property, and opposed all but the most minimal economic regulations.

The “normative core” of classical liberalism is the idea that in an environment of laissez-faire, a spontaneous order of cooperation in exchanging goods and services emerges that satisfies human wants.<ref>Razeen, Sally. Classical Liberalism and International Economic Order: Studies in Theory and Intellectual History, Routledge (UK) ISBN 978-0-415-16493-1, 1998, p. 17</ref> Some individualists came to realize that the liberal state itself takes property forcefully through taxation in order to fund its protection services, and therefore it seemed logically inconsistent to oppose theft while also supporting a tax-funded protector.

They advocated what may be seen as classical liberalism taken to the extreme by only supporting voluntarily funded defense by competing private providers. One of the first liberals to discuss the possibility of privatizing protection of individual liberty and property was France's Jakob Mauvillon in the 18th century. Later, in the 1840s, Julius Faucher and Gustave de Molinari advocated the same.

Murray Rothbard was influenced by the work of the 19th-century American individualist anarchists, themselves influenced by classical liberalism.<ref>”…only a few individuals like Murray Rothbard, in Power and Market, and some article writers were influenced by these men. Most had not evolved consciously from this tradition; they had been a rather automatic product of the American environment.“ DeLeon, David. The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978, p. 127</ref> However, he thought they had a faulty understanding of economics. The 19th-century individualists had a labor theory of value, as influenced by the classical economists, but Rothbard was a student of neoclassical economics which does not agree with the labor theory of value. Rothbard sought to meld 19th-century American individualists' advocacy of free markets and private defense with the principles of Austrian economics: “There is, in the body of thought known as 'Austrian economics,' a scientific explanation of the workings of the free market (and of the consequences of government intervention in that market) which individualist anarchists could easily incorporate into their political and social Weltanschauung”.<ref name=autogenerated3>”The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View, Journal of Libertarian Studies, vol. 20, no. 1, p. 7 (1965, 2000)</ref>

Modern anarcho-capitalism (also referred to as free-market anarchism,<ref name=Stringham504>Edward Stringham, Anarchy and the law: the political economy of choice, p. 504</ref> market anarchism,<ref>Roderick T. Long, Tibor R. Machan, Anarchism/minarchism: is a government part of a free country?, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2008, Preface, ISBN 978-0-7546-6066-8, ISBN 978-0-7546-6066-8</ref> private-property anarchism<ref name=“AL”>Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice, by Edward Stringham. Transaction Publishers, 2007</ref>) rejects collectivism and statutory law while embracing free and competitive markets in all services, including law and civil defense.<ref>Ronald Hamowy (editor). The encyclopedia of libertarianism, SAGE, 2008, p 10-12, p 195, ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4, ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4</ref><ref name=Stringham51>Edward Stringham, Anarchy and the law: the political economy of choice, p 51</ref> This political philosophy advocates the elimination of the state in favor of individual sovereignty in a free market.<ref name=Stringham51>Edward Stringham, Anarchy and the law: the political economy of choice, p 51</ref><ref>Ronald Hamowy, Editor, The encyclopedia of libertarianism, SAGE, 2008, p 10-12, p 195, ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4, ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4</ref> In an anarcho-capitalist society, law enforcement, courts, and all other security services would be operated by privately funded competitors rather than centrally through compulsory taxation. Money, along with all other goods and services, would be privately and competitively provided in an open market. Personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would be regulated by victim-based dispute resolution organizations under tort and contract law, rather than by statute through punishment and torture under political monopolies.<ref>"Review of Kosanke's Instead of Politics - Don Stacy" Libertarian Papers VOL. 3,ART.NO. 3 (2011)</ref>

Resurgence of economic liberalism

distributed by Advocates for Self-Government.]]

Some scholars credit heterodox economist Murray Rothbard as the founder of modern (laissez faire capitalist) libertarianism for merging the economics of Ludwig von Mises with elements of the individualist anarchist views of Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. However, others criticize this claim as having scant evidence and attribute it primarily to Rothbard's former students.<ref name=Miller>

p. 290.</ref><ref>

</ref> A 1971 New York Times article noted that 17th-century philosopher Baruch Spinoza was a forerunner of modern libertarianism, writing “He who tries to determine everything by law will foment crime rather than lessen it.” Its authors stated that modern libertarianism, in part a continuation of 18th-century and 19th-century liberalism, is on a “much more solid intellectual footing than old-style liberalism” because rather than taking their views from religious mysticism, they based it on “a scientific appraisal of the nature of man and his needs.” <ref>Stan Lehr and Louis Rossetto Jr., PAY WALL ARTICLE The New Right Credo – Libertarianism, The New York Times Magazine, January 10, 1971. Quotes: “Baruch Spinoza, the 17th-century philosopher, was a forerunner of modern libertarians.; “Modern libertarianism is thus in some respects a continuation of 18th-century and 19th-century liberalism. On the other hand, modern libertarianism is on a much more solid intellectual footing than old-style liberalism ever was. While many early liberals tried to argue that 'all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights,' this was merely reversal of the old divine-right theory of kings, albeit with happier results. Both theories were based on equally spurious premises. In contrast, modern libertarianism argues not from unprovable mysticism, but rather from a scientific appraisal of the nature of man and his needs.”</ref>

Libertarianism in the United States developed in the 1950s as many with “Old Right” or classical liberal beliefs in the United States began to describe themselves as libertarians. Arizona United States Senator Barry Goldwater's challenge to authority also influenced the U.S. libertarian movement.<ref>

</ref> In the 1950s, Russian-American novelist Ayn Rand developed a philosophical system called Objectivism, expressed in her novels The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged, as well as other works, which influenced many libertarians.<ref name=“Rubin”>

</ref> However, she rejected the label “libertarian” and harshly denounced this libertarian movement as the “hippies of the right.”<ref>

</ref> Philosopher John Hospers, a one-time member of Rand's inner circle, proposed a non-initiation of force principle to unite both groups; this statement later became a required “pledge” for candidates of the Libertarian Party, and Hospers himself became its first presidential candidate in 1972.

During the 1960s, the Vietnam War divided American libertarians, anarchists, and conservatives. Libertarians opposed to the war joined the draft resistance and peace movements and began founding their own publications, like Rothbard's The Libertarian Forum<ref name=Lora-Longton>Ronald Lora, William Henry Longton, (1999) Conservative press in 20th-century America, pp. 367–374, Westport CT: Greenwood Publishing Group</ref> and Reason magazine. The 1960s also saw the formation of organizations like the Radical Libertarian Alliance<ref>Marc Jason Gilbert, The Vietnam War on campus: other voices, more distant drums, p. 35, 2001, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 0-275-96909-6</ref> and the Society for Individual Liberty.<ref>Rebecca E. Klatch, ''A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s'', University of California Press, 1999 pp. 215–237.</ref> In 1971, a small group of Americans led by David Nolan formed the U.S. Libertarian Party. The party has run a presidential candidate every election year since 1972. Over the years, dozens of capitalism-supporting libertarian political parties have been formed worldwide. Educational organizations like the Center for Libertarian Studies and the Cato Institute were formed in the 1970s, and others have been created since then.

Modern libertarianism gained significant recognition in academia with the publication of Harvard University professor Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia in 1974, a response to John Rawls' A Theory of Justice. The book proposed a minimal state on the grounds that it was an inevitable phenomenon. Anarchy, State, and Utopia won a National Book Award in 1975.<ref>National Book Award: 1975 – Philosophy and Religion</ref><ref>David Lewis Schaefer, Robert Nozick and the Coast of Utopia, The New York Sun, April 30, 2008.</ref>

Contemporary libertarianism

U.S. libertarianism

, 2012 Libertarian Party presidential candidate]]

In the United States, polls (circa 2006) find that the views and voting habits of between 10 and 20 percent (and increasing) of voting age Americans may be classified as “fiscally conservative and socially liberal, or libertarian.”<ref name =“BoazKirby06”>The Libertarian Vote by David Boaz and David Kirby, Cato Institute, October 18, 2006</ref><ref name = “anes2004”>The ANES Guide to Public Opinion and Electoral Behavior, 1948–2004 American National Election Studies</ref> This is based on pollsters and researchers defining libertarian views as fiscally conservative and socially liberal (based on the common US meanings of the terms) and against government intervention in economic affairs, and for expansion of personal freedoms.<ref name = “BoazKirby06”/> Through 20 polls on this topic spanning 13 years, Gallup found that voters who are libertarian on the political spectrum ranged from 17–23% of the US electorate.<ref name = “Gallup2006”>Gallup Poll news release, September 7–10, 2006.</ref> A 2011 Reason-Rupe poll found that among those who self-identified as Tea Party supporters, 41 percent leaned libertarian and 59 percent socially conservative.<ref>Emily Ekins, ''Is Half the Tea Party Libertarian?'', Reason, September 26, 2011</ref> In 2012 anti-war presidential candidatesLibertarian Republican Ron Paul and Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson – raised millions of dollars and garnered millions of votes despite opposition to their obtaining ballot access by Democrats and Republicans.<ref>Justin Raimondo, Election 2012: Ron Paul's Revenge!,, November 7, 2012.</ref> In 2013, The Economist opinion piece held that British youth supported a “minimal 'nightwatchman' state”, disliked taxation, and were “deficit-reduction hawks” who wanted government out of their personal lives, and accepted homosexuality. It stated, “Today's distracted libertarians are tomorrow's dependable voter block.”<ref>The strange rebirth of liberal England, The Economist opinion piece, June 1, 2013.</ref>


Left-libertarianism (or left-wing libertarianism)<ref group=note>Related, arguably synonymous, terms include libertarianism, left-wing libertarianism, egalitarian-libertarianism, and libertarian socialism.

  • Sundstrom, William A. “An Egalitarian-Libertarian Manifesto.”
  • Bookchin, Murray and Biehl, Janet (1997). The Murray Bookchin Reader. New York:Cassell. p. 170.
  • Sullivan, Mark A. (July 2003). “Why the Georgist Movement Has Not Succeeded: A Personal Response to the Question Raised by Warren J. Samuels.” American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 62:3. p. 612.</ref> names several related but distinct approaches to politics, society, culture, and political and social theory, which stress both individual freedom and social justice. Left-libertarians simultaneously value leftist commitments to improving worklife, promoting environmental well-being, and wealth redistribution; and the libertarian commitments to just possessory claims, freed markets (rejecting the view that such a market would be a corporate playground), and diminution or elimination of government power.<ref name=“Distinctiveness”>

    </ref> They affirm the classical liberal belief in self-ownership, but, unlike right-libertarians, derive from this idea an egalitarian form of ownership of natural resources:<ref name=“WhyNotIncoherent”>

    </ref> they believe that neither claiming nor mixing one's labor with natural resources is enough to generate full private property rights,<ref name=“WhyNotIncoherent”/><ref name=“encyclolib”>Hamowy, Ronald. “Left Libertarianism.” The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. p. 288</ref> and hold that natural resources (land, oil, gold, trees) ought to be unowned or owned collectively.<ref name=“encyclolib”/>

Left-libertarianism can refer generally to three related and overlapping schools of thought:

  • Anti-authoritarian varieties of left-wing politics and, in particular, the socialist movement, usually known as libertarian socialism.<ref name=“bookchinreader”>Bookchin, Murray and Biehl, Janet (1997). The Murray Bookchin Reader. Cassell: p. 170. ISBN 0-304-33873-7</ref><ref name=“econsocio”>Hicks, Steven V. and Shannon, Daniel E. (2003). The American journal of economics and sociology. Blackwell Pub. p. 612.</ref>
  • The Steiner-Vallentyne school, whose proponents draw conclusions from classical liberal or market liberal premises.<ref name=stanford>


    </ref><ref name=“valentine-2000b-p1”>

    </ref><ref name=Mack2004Classical>


  • Left-wing market anarchism, which stresses the socially transformative potential of non-aggression and anticapitalist, freed markets.<ref>Chartier, Gary. Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Minor Compositions. pp. 1-11. ISBN 978-1570272424</ref>

Tea Party

and the National Mall at the Taxpayer March on Washington on September 12, 2009]]

Tea Party activities have declined since 2010.<ref name=“HuffPostDec”>Tea Party 2012: A Look At The Conservative Movement's Last Three Years</ref><ref name=“DBDec”>Tea Party ‘Is Dead’: How the Movement Fizzled in 2012’s GOP Primaries; The Daily Beast; February 2, 2012</ref> According to Harvard professor Theda Skocpol, the number of Tea Party chapters across the country has slipped from about 1,000 to 600, but that this is still “a very good survival rate.” Mostly, Tea Party organizations are said to have shifted away from national demonstrations to local issues.<ref name=“HuffPostDec”/> A shift in the operational approach used by the Tea Party has also affected the movement's visibility, with chapters placing more emphasis on the mechanics of policy and getting candidates elected rather than staging public events.<ref name=“”>How tea party and its unlikely allies nixed Atlanta's transit tax The Christian Science Monitor. August 1, 2012. Retrieved August 8, 2012.</ref><ref name=“”>Tea party evolves, achieves state policy victories NBC News. August 12, 2012. Retrieved August 13, 2012.</ref>

The tea party's involvement in the 2012 GOP presidential primaries was minimal, owing to divisions over whom to endorse as well as lack of enthusiasm for all the candidates.<ref name=“DBDec”/> Which is not to say the 2012 GOP ticket hasn't had an influence on the Tea Party: following the selection of Paul Ryan as Mitt Romney's vice-presidential running mate, the
New York Times declared that the once fringe of the conservative coalition, Tea Party lawmakers are now “indisputably at the core of the modern Republican Party.”<ref>Ryan Brings the Tea Party to the Ticket; The New York Times; August 12, 2012; Retrieved August 13, 2012</ref>



The Occupy movement is an international protest movement against social and economic inequality, its primary goal being to make the economic and political relations in all societies less vertically hierarchical and more flatly distributed. Local groups often have different foci, but among the movement's prime concerns deal with how large corporations and the global financial system control the world in a way that disproportionately benefits a minority, undermines democracy and is unstable.<ref name=“the99declaration”>The 99% declaration.</ref><ref name=“unitethe99”>Unite the 99%.</ref><ref name=“businessweek”>Wall Street protesters: We're in for the long haul Bloomberg Businessweek. Retrieved 3 October 2011.</ref><ref name=“lessighp”>


The first Occupy protest to receive widespread attention was Occupy Wall Street in New York City's Zuccotti Park, which began on 17 September 2011. By 9 October, Occupy protests had taken place or were ongoing in over 951 cities across 82 countries, and over 600 communities in the United States.<ref name=“theatlantic”>

</ref><ref name = “NYtimes”>

</ref><ref name=“Occupy Wall Street protests go global”>

</ref><ref name=“Occupy Wall Street protests continue worldwide”>

</ref><ref name=“guardian2”>

</ref> Although most active in the United States, by October 2012 there had been Occupy protests and occupations in dozens of other countries across every continent except Antarctica. For its first two months, authorities largely adopted a tolerant approach toward the movement,

but this began to change in mid-November 2011 when they began forcibly removing protest camps. By the end of 2011 authorities had cleared most of the major camps, with the last remaining high profile sites – in Washington DC and London – evicted by February 2012.<ref name=“globalCrackdown”>

}}</ref><ref name = “cityBycity”>

</ref><ref name=“Authorities clear”>

}}</ref><ref name=“smash”>


The Occupy movement is partly inspired by the Arab Spring,<ref name=“Where now for the Occupy protesters?”>

</ref><ref name=“Tahrir Square protesters send message of solidarity to Occupy Wall Street”>

</ref> and the Portuguese<ref>

</ref> and Spanish Indignants movement in the Iberian Peninsula,<ref>

</ref> as well as the Tea Party movement.<ref name=“cnn”>

</ref><ref name=“adbusters1”>

</ref><ref name=“guardian”>

</ref> The movement commonly uses the slogan We are the 99%, the #Occupy hashtag format, and organizes through websites such as Occupy Together.<ref name=“From a single hashtag, a protest circled the world”>

</ref> According to The Washington Post, the movement, which has been described as a “democratic awakening” by Cornel West, is difficult to distill to a few demands.<ref name=“westc”>

</ref><ref name=“washingtonpost22”>

</ref> On 12 October 2011, Los Angeles City Council became one of the first governmental bodies in the United States to adopt a resolution stating its informal support of the Occupy movement.<ref name=“City Council Unanimously Passes Occupy L.A. Resolution - Protesters Struggle to Distance Themselves From Democrats, Unions - Los Angeles News - The Informer”>

</ref> In October 2012 the Executive Director of Financial Stability at the Bank of England stated the protesters were right to criticise and had persuaded bankers and politicians “to behave in a more moral way”.<ref name=“Andy”>


Contemporary libertarian organizations

Since the 1950s, many American libertarian organizations have adopted a free market stance, as well as supporting civil liberties and non-interventionist foreign policies. These include the Ludwig von Mises Institute, the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE), Center for Libertarian Studies, the Cato Institute, and the International Society for Individual Liberty (ISIL). The activist Free State Project, formed in 2001, works to bring 20,000 libertarians to New Hampshire to influence state policy.<ref>

</ref> Active student organizations include Students for Liberty and Young Americans for Liberty.

A number of countries have libertarian parties that run candidates for political office. In the United States, the Libertarian Party of the United States was formed in 1972. The Libertarian Party is the third largest<ref>


</ref> American political party, with over 370,000 registered voters in the 35 states that allow registration as a Libertarian<ref>

</ref> and has hundreds of party candidates elected or appointed to public office.<ref name=history>


Current international anarchist federations which sometimes identify themselves as libertarian include the International of Anarchist Federations, the International Workers' Association, and International Libertarian Solidarity. The largest organised anarchist movement today is in Spain, in the form of the Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) and the CNT. CGT membership was estimated to be around 100,000 for 2003.<ref>Carley, Mark “Trade union membership 1993–2003” (International: SPIRE Associates 2004).</ref> Other active syndicalist movements include, in Sweden, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation; the CNT-AIT in France;<ref> Website of the Confédération Nationale du Travail – Association Internationale des Travailleurs</ref>

the Union Sindicale Italiana in Italy; in the US, Workers Solidarity Alliance; and in the UK, Solidarity Federation. The revolutionary industrial unionist Industrial Workers of the World, claiming 2,000 paying members, and the International Workers Association, an anarcho-syndicalist successor to the First International, also remain active. In the United States there exists the Common Struggle – Libertarian Communist Federation or Lucha Común – Federación Comunista Libertaria (formerly the North Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (NEFAC) or the Fédération des Communistes Libertaires du Nord-Est)<ref></ref>

an is a platformist anarchist communist organization based in the northeast region of the United States.<ref></ref>

Libertarian theorists

:See also Libertarian theorists and Timeline of libertarian thinkers

<!–Do NOT add Swanson. This list calls for real people.–>

See also




  • Hunt, E. K. (2003). Property and Prophets: the Evolution of Economic Institutions and Ideologies. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. ISBN 0-7656-0608-9
  • Palda, Filip (2011). Pareto's Republic and the New Science of Peace. Cooper-Wolfling. ISBN 978-0-9877880-0-9.
  • Richardson, James L. (2001). Contending Liberalisms in World Politics: Ideology and Power. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1-55587-939-X
  • Stringham, Edward (2007). Anarchy and the law: the political economy of choice. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1412805797

External links

<!– Please read External links before adding a link. –>


Libertarianism by form Articles with inconsistent citation formats Libertarianism History of economic thought Economic ideologies Political philosophy Philosophical movements

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